Located in the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia, a nation once seen as a beacon of stability and growth, is currently spiraling into a crisis ingulfed by ethnic tension. The two year conflict which primarily centered in the northern region of Tigray had a devastating impact on the lives millions people and initiated a wave of ethnic driven ideologies. The Ethiopian political landscape in the past 2 years has seen a shift were both federal government and opposition parties alike have leveraged ethnic identity to consolidate their power base. A practice which has profound implications for the country’s stability and unity. The ethnic driven impasse among the political elites of the country is sending its roots to one of the oldest institution in the country Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (EOTC) creating rifts in the church based on ethnic lines.

Christianity was introduced in Ethiopia in the 3rd century AD, as documented by the contemporary Church historian, Rufinus. Two men from the city of Tyre, Frumentius and Aedesius, were taken to the Axumite king as slaves and though time became his confidants. Frumentius began to turn towards matters of faith and encouraged Christian merchants in the region to establish prayer meeting places, gradually sowing the seeds of Christianity among the populace. Later Frumentius was consecrated as the first Bishop of Axum by Athanasius, the newly appointed patriarch of Alexandria.

The establishment of Christianity as the state religion represented a pivotal moment in Ethiopian history. The Church, for centuries, has been more than just a religious institution; it played an integral role in the nation’s cultural, political, and social life, building its traditions over millennia. In Ethiopia, religion and political power are closely intertwined, a connection exemplified by the events of 1992. When the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) rose to power, they claimed that Abune Merkorios, the patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (EOTC), had voluntarily stepped down. The reality was quite different Abune Merkorios was pressured into stepping down, leading him to flee the country, an exile that lasted for two decades.

Upon assuming the role of Prime Minister in 2018, Abiy Ahmed symbolized a wave of transformation in Ethiopia. This wave touched numerous institutions, from the military to foreign relations and even relgious institutions. Within the military, Tigray generals were marginalized, marking a significant change in the balance of power. In foreign relations, Ethiopia and Eritrea made a breakthrough by restoring diplomatic ties. Domestically, the EPRDF party was disbanded and replaced by the Prosperity Party (PP). Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed effectively restricted the influence of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) to the Tigray region while inviting former opposition groups of the EPRDF government from around the world to return to Ethiopia. PM Abiy Ahmed also reached out to the exiled patriarch, Abune Merkorios, inviting him to return to Ethiopia. Which led to an unprecedented dual leadership of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewaheo Church, with Abune Merkorios serving alongside the current patriarch, Abune Mathias I. Abune Merkorios served Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church until his passing in early March of 2022.

In 2020, Ethiopia found itself embroiled in an internal conflict that lasted two years. The war between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) ignited ethnic tensions at every level of society. During this time, Prime Minister Abiy and his advisor, Daniel Kibre, a war hawk within the Church, endeavored to ensure the silence of patriarch Abune Mathias from speaking on the current conflict. Abune Mathias, of Tigrayan descent, openly voiced his support for Tigray people and denounced the war. In response, attempts were made by the federal government and certain church figures to marginalize him, force his removal from his position, and even pressure him into leaving the country. Two significant appointments were made within the Church during this period: Abune Abraham and Abune Paulos. Abune Abraham assumed the role of the Synod’s Secretary-General, while Abune Paulos took on the position of the Church’s General Manager. Notably, both individuals were vocal in their support for the war in Tigray.

The conflict in Tigray and the prevailing political ideology of the Prosperity Party (PP), coupled with the increasing tendency of opposition parties to align along ethnic lines, dramatically heightened ethnic based rivalries. These challenges were further complicated post the signing of the Pretoria peace deal, with significant transformations unfolding. A power struggle notably surfaced between hard-liner groups from the Oromo and Amhara ethnic communities, impacting not only the political landscape but also the religious sphere. Tensions within the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church escalated particularly in this year as of January 20th, with a key point of contention revolved around the appointment of twenty-six new bishops by three Oromian archbishops: Abune Sawiros, Abune Zena Markos, and Eustathius. His Holiness Abune Mathias I, Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, held a meeting on Sunday, January 22nd, where he declared the bishop appointment process “illegal” and asserted it had been conducted without the Holy Synod’s approval.

The Church called for nationwide protests, which were met with significant public support. Thousands of people poured onto the streets in solidarity, transforming the dispute into a large-scale movement. The Church accused the government of backing the breakaway faction, contributing to a divisive atmosphere within the religious institution. As the protests in Addis Ababa and other parts of Ethiopia grew, the government recognized the potential of this religious movement to change into an anti-government protest and promptly shifted federal government stance. The government transitioned into a mediator’s role between the breakaway Oromia faction and the main Church. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took the initiative accompanied by Daniel Kebre mediated between the breakaway faction and the main Church, positioning himself as a champion of the Church’s unity.

Currently, questions arise about the intentions of the elite within religious and political institutions, including Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. It appears that the federal government’s objective is to mitigate any potential threats the Church might pose to state authority. To achieve this, there seems to be a strategy to decentralize the Church’s authority into separate centers located in Oromia, Tigray, and Addis Ababa. This realignment would potentially facilitate the government’s control over the religious institution.

It is worth noting that the Church itself is currently grappling with internal issues, including matters involving Patriarch Abune Mathias and also concerns specific to the Tigrayan Church. Recently, Tigrayan archbishops voiced grievances, pointing out that the war in Tigray significantly contributing to the division within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. The simmering tensions within the Church and the region were notably symbolized when Patriarch Abune Mathias and his delegation were denied entry into Mekelle’s churches during their visit on July 10th. The rebuffing of Abune Mathias in Tigray has further complicated the situation. Upon the delegation’s return to Addis Ababa, the Tigray Church announced plans for a meeting to vote on the appointment of new Bishops – a move perceived by the main Church as a violation of ecclesiastical law. On 16 of July, Tigray Archbishop have elected 10 sinods independently which has now significantly threatened the unity of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church.

The situation in Tigray seems to be a continuation of earlier events in Oromia. An unofficially formed Tigrayan Synod went ahead with the appointment of bishops. Tigray arch bishops seem to be together on the same page they are resisting Church Central Authority they want to establish their independent Regional religious structures . The move is currently being opposed by the main Church. But this time around both the Prime Minister and the Interim President of Tigray have stayed clear from the church. This situation could potentially benefit the federal government of Ethiopia, as it affords an opportunity to consolidate power by dividing the Church. As it stands now, Ethiopia finds itself increasingly entangled in political and religious ideologies drawn along ethnic lines, a circumstance that adds complexity to the nation’s current state of affairs.